- As child:
- 1444: Born in Fermo
- (1445: The Sforza's lose Fermo according a rebellion in the city.)
- (1446: Cremona (city of Bianca Maria) is attacked by grandfather Filippo Maria and this causes a new Milanese-Italian war.)
- (1450: Sforza conquers Milan.)
- Galeazzo gets his major education from Filelfo, the great humanist. Occasionally Bianca Maria gives advice to Filelfo, that Galeazzo Maria should be educated as a ruler, not as scholar. The general idea of the time develops in wonder-child exspectations (compare Marcello's exspectation of his 8-year old son Valerio in a contemporary time, also the education of Pico de Mirandola a little later. Burckhardt summarizes: "Those children, beautiful as angels, carefully and thoroughly educated as they were, fell victims, when they grew up, to the corruption of a measureless egotism. Galeazzo Maria (1466-1476), solicitous only of outward effect, too k pride in the beauty of his hands, in the high salaries he paid, in the financial credit he enjoyed, in his treasure of two million pieces of gold, in the distinguished people who surrounded him, and in the army and birds of chase which he maintained. He was fond of the sound of his own voice, and spoke well, most fluently, perhaps, when he had the chance of insulting a Venetian ambassador. He was subject to caprices, such as having a room painted with figures in a single night; and, what was worse, to fits of senseless debauchery and of revolting cruelty to his nearest friends." (Burckhardt)
- 1452: Galeazzo Maria (8 years) presents Milan at the visit of Emperor Fedrick III. The Emperor is reluctant to accept Francesco Sforza as new ruler and duke in Milan.
- (1454: peace of Lodi)
- 1455: "The boy Galeazzo Maria delivered a fluent speech before the Great Council at Venice, and his sister Ippolita saluted Pope Pius II with a graceful address at the Congress of Mantua (1459). (Burckhardt)
- 1444: Born in Fermo
- 1457
Galeazzo Maria (now 13 years old and nearly grown-up in the eyes of his time) makes a 2-monthes in summer visit to Ferrara .
This opportunity is related to important Trionfi and Tennis documents, based on a letter of 2nd August 1457 from Galeazzo to his father, in which he reports about card and tennis playing in Ferrara, "cause it rained". Francesco Pico della Mirandola was his playing partner. (Belriguardo, ASMi, AS, c, 1461). Francesco Sforza replied on 7th of August and "disapproved of gambling on tennis using credit" (Lubkin refering to letter to Galeazzo, 7 Aug. 1457 [no. loc.], ASMi, AS, c, 1461).
Trionfi-documents:
Galeazzo and his influence on the development of tennis:
"Gianni Clerici, in his The Ultimate Tennis Book: 500 Years of the Sport (1976), was the first tennis historian to delve into the history of the game in Italy. In his chapter on Renaissance tennis Clerici also briefly touched on Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza?s (1444-1476) passion for tennis. Recently much more archival material has become available (in Gregory Lubkin's A Renaissance Court. Milan under Galeazzo Maria Sforza, 1994) on Galeazzo Maria?s tennis and the Duke, one of the most powerful and extravagant rulers of his age, can rightfully be called the first patron of tennis. The written record of young Galeazzo's first game of tennis is in a letter he wrote to his father Francesco Sforza on 2 August 1457 from the Este villa of Belriguardo. The text of the letter implies that it may have been an indoor court probably built under Borso d'Este as Galeazzo wrote that he had been playing tennis and cards because it had been raining. During Galeazzo's reign tennis became the main gambling sport at court when between 1472-1474 he had the first tennis court of his own built at the Castello Sforzesco in Milan.
It was to be the greatest tennis hall to date, with an appropriate name, the Sala della Balla. The most revealing information about tennis at the Sforza court comes from letters that ambassadors sent to their principals, especially to Mantua (the Gonzaga dynasty), Florence (Medici) and Ferrara (Este). In various letters in May 1472 the Mantova Ambassador to Milan informed his patron Ludovico Gonzaga about Galeazzo's enthusiasm for the game of tennis or gioco della palla and about the exhibition matches played by his tennis professionals. Time and again, however, the ambassador was puzzled by the heavy gambling stakes which the Duke placed on the outcome of the tennis matches. By employing a wide range of recreational personnel tennisplayers, musicians and huntsmen Galeazzo sought to enhance his prestige. A victory by his best tennis pro, El Maystreto, over a rival from another court was experienced as a personal triumph. The Duke took it for granted that the foreign dignitaries in the spectator galleries who were fortunate enough to be invited to this spectacular form of private court entertainment, would be quite impressed. Galeazzo had gathered the best tennis pros from other Italian courts and demanded top-class performances from them. When in 1573 one of his best players, Arcangelo da Colli, failed to beat his opponent from the Urbino court, he was immediately dismissed. The winner of this dramatic exhibition match was engaged in his place, just before he was to return to the Montefeltro court. The exact dimonsions of Galeazzo's Sala della Balla are not known. A plan of Federigo da Montefeltro's tennis court at the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino, however, based on an eyewitness report from 1480, shows that his gioco della palla was 22 by 7.5 metres. The plan also features the characteristic gallery alongside the court from which the spectators could watch play. (Source - and more information on the development of tennis)
- Galezzo Maria presents Milan in Florence during the triumphal entry of Pope Pius II. in April 1459. Gozzoli paints him later in the procession of the 3holy kings in the Medici chapel. The 15-years-old Galeazzo Maria receives many polite gestures as representative of the dukedom Milan..
- French war 1465
After some disturbance in the relations France-Burgund in November 1464 an inner French war with Burgundian participation breaks out in March 1465. Louis hastens to get allies in Italy: In negotiations with Florence the Medici get a new heraldic device (May 1465): "6 palle" instead of earlier 7 and one of the palle is filled with a French Lille. This activity might be of some relevance for the development of Tarot cards. Another request for help goes to Francesco Sforza.
Commynes about Louis XI. and his relation to Francesco Sforza during the war
"God gave wise counsel to the King and he executed it skilfully. Warned of all these matters, even before those who had gone to meet the lords had returned to make their report, he arrived in the town all prepared to comfort the people because he came with a very large company. He placed more than two thousand men-at-arms in the town, all nobles of Normandy, as well as a large force of franc-archers, his household troops and other men of quality, who are to be found with such a king in similar affairs. Thus the stratagem was defeated and all the people changed their opinions, so that there was no longer any man of those who had previously been to see us who dared any longer to speak about these bargainings; and some suffered for it. Yet he did not use any cruelty in this affair. Some lost their offices and others he exiled. I praise him for not using any other revenge because if what had been started had been accomplished the best he could have hoped for would have been to have fled the country. Many times later he told me that if he had not been able to enter Paris and he had found it lost, he would have fled to the Swiss or to Francesco [Sfroza], duke of Milan, whom he looked upon as a great friend -- as indeed he showed by the help he sent him. This was led by his eldest son, Galeazzo, later duke, and consisted of five hundred men-at-arms and three thousand infantry who had come as far as Forez where they were making war on my lord of Bourbon. But they later went home because of the death of Duke Francesco.(53) He also showed his friendship by the advice which he gave him whilst the peace, known as the treaty of Conflans, was being negotiated. In order to break up the confederacy he told him to refuse nothing which was asked of him but only keep his own men with him." (Commynes)
- 1466
Gambling at Christmas time "The latter part of the year 1466 was relatively uneventful for the Milanese dominion and its rulers. The Venetian army had made menacing maneuvers after Duke Francesco's death, but no invasion followed. A political crisis in Florence, in which the the Medici might have required Sforza military aid, was resolved without involving Milan. Galeazzo spent much time and attention on hunting, visiting Pavia and the Lomellina district. To the extent that he could, the young duke involved himself also in the business of state. Galeazzo chafed in his limited sphere of action and authority. Spirited and full of restless energy, the young duke often could not contain himself. For most of Christmas week in 1466, he dutifully attended Mass in the mornings and paid his respects to his mother but then gambled with friends the rest of the day, winning and losing as much as 600 ducats per day. (Lubkin refering to letters of M. Andreasi to Barbara H. Gonzaga, 25, 28 , 29 , 30 and 31 Dec. 1466. )
On December 29, Galeazzo was shocked to hear that one of his friends and companions, Donato 'del Conte', had fled the dominion. Donato was member of the Bossi family, ancient Milanese nobles. Because he had received a large income from the duke and a had a family in Milan, his depature surprised everyone (22). The duke's mood turned ugly. He treated Donato as a traitor, confiscating his property and giving his position to a cameriere of long standing in the court, Francesco da Varese. Galeazzo held Donato's eight-year-old son hostage, and he shamed Donato publicly by having him 'painted on cards with a harp in the right hand and a shoe in the left, and attached [them] to the columns of the Duomo and the Broletto.' The next day, Donato's image, 'painted on a great board in the usual way' (i.e. upside down), was hung over the gate of the Corte Arengo. Galeazzo offered a large reward for his friend's return - dead or alive. The duke blamed his mother for Donato's flight. He took petty revenge on her by, among other things, having his twenty-six horses brought in to gallop noisily around the courtyard of the palace (23)." (Lubkin refering to letters of M. Andreasi to Barbara H. Gonzaga, 25, 28 and 29 Dec. 1466. (23) M. Andreasi to Barbara H. Gonzaga, 30 and 31 Dec. 1466.)
Galeazzo stayed all his reignment very fond of the Christmas celebration and he terrorisized his surrounding, demanding, that everybody near to him had in any case to stay with him during this time. The time was filled with gaming and gambling usually. ("Medieval kings considered confining the use of cards and dice to the 12 days of Christmas". (Lubkin refering to Dawson: Christmas, 86 and 91); “Galeazzo and his companions gambled heavily throughout the year, but in particular, gaming and gambling formed a traditional part of the Christmas season.” Lubkin, p.92).). The above mentioned conflict with Donato - somehow typical for Galeazzo's exaggerated Christmas behaviour - was solved later and Donato became a prefered general in Galeazzo's army.
“Some of the games favored at Galeazzo’s court were more sedentary, including card games (triumphi) played with the tarot deck. Even more than cards, the duke and his court enjoyed playing chess. Some members of the court gained reputatations as skilled chess players.”
“Galeazzo placed orders to have chessboards made; when the duke expected them to be used often, he wanted them unpainted, because the painting goes away too quickly.”
“At the Milanese court, chess was not a genteel pastime. Zaccaria Saggi, himself a chess player, called it “the cursed, bellicose game” and described graphically how much anger and frustration it could engender. One of the reasons chess was not a genteel pastime was that wagers, sometimes large ones, were often placed on the outcome." (all from Lubkin, p. 92).
Galeazzo Maria was of great importance for the development of Trionfi cards. But, as we hear from Lubkin, the personal interest of Galeazzo in the cards was only small, he shows the common male interest in chess. Chess was the game of the knights ... Galeazzo felt as a knight and dreamt of great successes at the battlefield, eager to compete with his famous dead father. But during the campaign in the following he was blamed for his missing strategic talents ... anybody tried to hide this, but actually the participating condottieri on his own side avoided battle, cause they feared for their own life and health and that of their soldiers as long Galeazzo Maria was near the fight with opportunity to give confusing commands.
During his early reign Galeazzo Maria enjoyed jousting ( feast of San Giuseppe 1467; In November 1467 a tourney to impress Galeazzo’s (future) brother-in-law, Filippo of Savoy; joust at Alfonso of Calabria’s visit in 1468, private joust with 18 persons in 1468; joust of feast of St. George (whose military aspects made him especially interesting for the Sforza) in 1469 and 1471 as greatest events; feast of the Assumption 1471. . Several smaller tourneys just for ducal entertainment). This favour later (1471) was replaced by a great love on betting on tennis results and interests in a famous personal chapel with "22" choristers in about 1472 (judged as of great importance for the development of Italian music).
As part of Galeazzo's militaric unfulfilled wishes one must see Galeazzo's "hate" on Colleoni, which started to take forms in about August 1469 - Venice took security measurements for him. Galeazzo suggested a curious "knightly duel" between Colleoni and him, Colleoni replied positively to it ... but it never occured and an not very knightly attempt to kill Colleoni via assassination May 1472 failed and ended with the death of the attacking bravo, who was cut to pieces. Above all this courtly interests of Galeazzo Maria stood his interest for hunting (which is mentioned for many great leaders of the time, for instance also for Louis XI., who was personally acquainted to Galeazzo Maria cause Galeazzo's stay in France 1465/1466. Lubkin analysed Galeazzo's stays about the period of 10 years and found, that he very often used hunting places: Vigevano (14%), Villanova (2.5%; had 69 rooms, a parc was build in 1474 and a sala della balle - and a tennis court) and Galliate (5%) (near Novara, used are also Gambolo and Novara(1.5%)). Giardino at Milan with a hunting lodge “Cassino”. Mirabello, the hunting lodge in the Parco of Pavia. Monza (4%) and Cassano (1.5%). Occasionally he was in the Cremona destrict. Abbiategrasso had 6%. , Milan and Pavia together as the administaticve centers had together about 50%.. Great attraction had hunting with hawks - we've a falconer in the remaining Goldschmidt cards and a falconer in the wedding deck.
- Friendly to Jews: In Parma: "... on July 12, 1466, Galeazzo Maria Sforza gave orders to his commissary and lieutenant, Guido Visconti, to favor the Jews as far as was compatible with justice and to secure the preservation of the privileges of religious worship already granted them. Galeazzo also released the Jews from the obligation of wearing the yellow badge, in the form of a wheel, imposed upon them by the "maestro i dell entrate" in 1473. In a letter dated Pavia, June 19, 1475, Galeazzo commands Visconti to forbid the clergy in their sermons to excite the populace against the Jews, and to protect them against any one who attempted to injure them. In Parma there was preaching at that time Fra Bernardinus of Feltre, a bitter enemy of the Jews, who had caused the expulsion from the city of some Jewish women who gave lessons in dancing to the noble ladies of Parma. In 1476 Galeazzo Sforza, at the urgent petition of the Jews, conceded to the latter the right of jurisdiction over their own people in their disputes with the Christians and entrusted them to his referendary. (Jewish Encylopedia)
- Reactions in Florence after the death of Francesco Sforza, described by Macchiavelli
"Serious differences and troubles were the result; and these were greatly increased by two circumstances: one of which was, that the authority of the balia had expired; the other, that upon the death of Duke Francesco, Galeazzo the new duke sent ambassadors to Florence, to renew the engagements of his father with the city, which, among other things, provided that every year a certain sum of money should be paid to the duke. The principal opponents of the Medici took occasion, from this demand, to make public resistance in the councils, on pretense that the alliance was made with Francesco and not Galeazzo; so that Francesco being dead, the obligation had ceased; nor was there any necessity to revive it, because Galeazzo did not possess his father's talents, and consequently they neither could nor ought to expect the same benefits from him; that if they had derived little advantage from Francesco, they would obtain still less from Galeazzo; and that if any citizen wished to hire him for his own purposes, it was contrary to civil rule, and inconsistent with the public liberty. Piero, on the contrary, argued that it would be very impolitic to lose such an alliance from mere avarice, and that there was nothing so important to the republic, and to the whole of Italy, as their alliance with the duke; that the Venetians, while they were united, could not hope either by feigned friendship or open war to injure the duchy; but as soon as they perceived the Florentines alienated from him they would prepare for hostilities, and, finding him young, new in the government, and without friends, they would, either by force or fraud, compel him to join them; in which case ruin of the republic would be inevitable. The arguments of Piero were without effect ...(Machiavelli)
-
1467:
Short War in Florence
The concluding words of the Florentine exiles produced the utmost excitement among the Venetian senators, and they resolved to send Bernardo Coglione, their general, to attack the Florentine territory. The troops were assembled, and joined by Ercole da Esti, who had been sent by Borgo, marquis of Ferrara. At the commencement of hostilities, the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies burned the Borgo of Dovadola, and plundered the surrounding country. But having expelled the enemies of Piero, renewed their league with Galeazzo, duke of Milan, and Ferrando, king of Naples, they appointed to the command of their forces Federigo, count of Urbino; and being thus on good terms with their friends, their enemies occasioned them less anxiety. Ferrando sent Alfonso, his eldest son, to their aid, and Galeazzo came in person, each at the head of a suitable force, and all assembled at Castrocaro, a fortress belonging to the Florentines, and situated among the roots of the Appennines which descend from Tuscany to Romagna. In the meantime, the enemy withdrew toward Imola. A few slight skirmishes took place between the armies; yet, in accordance with the custom of the times, neither of them acted on the offensive, besieged any town, or gave the other an opportunity of coming to a general engagement; but each kept within their tents, and conducted themselves with most remarkable cowardice. This occasioned general dissatisfaction among the Florentines; for they found themselves involved in an expensive war, from which no advantage could be derived. The magistrates complained of these spiritless proceedings to those who had been appointed commissaries to the expedition; but they replied, that the entire evil was chargeable upon the Duke Galeazzo, who possessing great authority and little experience, was unable to suggest useful measures, and unwilling to take the advice of those who were more capable; and therefore any demonstration of courage or energy would be impracticable so long as he remained with the army. Hereupon the Florentines intimated to the duke, that his presence with the force was in many ways advantageous and beneficial, and of itself sufficient to alarm the enemy; but they considered his own safety and that of his dominions, much more important than their own immediate convenience; because so long as the former were safe, the Florentines had nothing to fear, and all would go well; but if his dominions were to suffer, they might then apprehend all kinds of misfortune. They assured him they did not think it prudent for him to be absent so long from Milan, having recently succeeded to the government, and being surrounded by many powerful enemies and suspected neighbors; while any who were desirous of plotting against him, had an opportunity of doing so with impunity. They would, therefore, advise him to return to his territories, leaving part of his troops with them for the use of the expedition. This advice pleased Galeazzo, who, in consequence, immediately withdrew to Milan. The Florentine generals being now left without any hindrance, to show that the cause assigned for their inaction was the true one, pressed the enemy more closely, so that they came to a regular engagement, which continued half a day, without either party yielding. Some horses were wounded and prisoners taken, but no death occurred. Winter having arrived, and with it the usual time for armies to retire into quarters, Bartolommeo Coglione withdrew to Ravenna, the Florentine forces into Tuscany, and those of the king and duke, each to the territories of their sovereign. (Machiavelli)
Representations / Filelfo and Galeazzo Maria
"Such orations had at least the value which we have claimed for many of Petrarch's letters. But some speakers went too far. Most of Filelfo's speeches are an atrocious patchwork of classical and biblical quotations, tacked on to a string of commonplaces, among which the great people he wishes to flatter are arranged under the head of the cardinal virtues, or some such category, and it is only with the greatest trouble, in his case and in that of many others, that we can extricate the few historical no- tices of any value which they really contain. The speech, for instance, of a scholar and professor of Piacenza at the reception of the Duke Galeazzo Maria, in 1467, begins with Julius Caesar, then proceeds to mix up a mass of classical quotations with a number from an allegorical work by the speaker himself, and concludes with some exceedingly indiscreet advice to the ruler. Fortunately it was late at night, and the orator had to be satisfied with handing his written panegyric to the prince." (Burckhardt)
-
Government
The Government, it is true, took measures of alleviation which were also adopted by other Italian despots, such as Galeazzo Maria Sforza: in time of famine, corn was brought from a distance and seems to have been distributed gratuitously; but in ordinary times it compensated itself by the monopoly, if not of corn, of many other of the necessaries of life fish, salt, meat, fruit and vegetables, which last were carefully planted on and ne ar the walls of the city. The most considerable source of income, however, was the annual sale of public offices (Burckhardt)
- 1468 - Marriage
The marriage of Duke Galeazzo to Bona of Savoy, who was daughter to the duke of Savoy and Louis XI.'s sister-in-law, took place on May 10, 1968, with Galeazzo's brother, Tristano, acting as proxy at the chateau of Amboise. Bona had no official dowry, but Louis Xi suggested the town of Vercelli, provided Galeazzo could successfully seize Vercelli from Savoy. Galeazzo had little stomach for war and the hostilities that ensued were half-hearted at best, quickly ending in an allegiance that required Galeazzo to surrender all claims to Vercelli.
April 1468: The new peace (the Florence-Colleoni-conflict is settled, peace is signed and celebrated in Trionfo-form at the 1st of May in Milan.
The marriage of Duke Galeazzo to Bona of Savoy, who was daughter to the duke of Savoy and Louis XI.'s sister-in-law, took place on May 10, 1968, with Galeazzo's brother, Tristano, acting as proxy at the chateau of Amboise. Bona had no official dowry, but Louis Xi suggested the town of Vercelli, provided Galeazzo could successfully seize Vercelli from Savoy. Galeazzo had little stomach for war and the hostilities that ensued were half-hearted at best, quickly ending in an allegiance that required Galeazzo to surrender all claims to Vercelli. The real marriage between Galeazzo Maria and Bona took place, when the bride arrived Milan at begin of June.
Bianca Maria's death "... the presence of Bona widened the breach between mother and son. In October 1468, Bianca Maria decided to return to her own town Cremona, but she had only reached Melagnano when she took seriously ill and died shortly after Galeazzo had reached her side. (Kaplan). Later some people interpreted, that the death of his mother was a murderous act of Galeazzo.
October/November 1468: Niccolo Correggio is involved in Galeazzo's attack against his uncle Manfredo da Correggio. Siege of Correggio, till Borso d'Este intervenes. The conflict also involves Beatrice d'Este, wife of Tristano Sforza, one of the great ladies of the Milanese court. Occasionally she is not allowed to have contact to her son out of first marriage (Niccolo). Beatrice was the girl friend of Bianca Maria in winter 1440/1441, when an important Trionfi card event took place.
The Emperor is in Italy end of 1968 /begin 1969 and doesn't accept Galeazzo as duke of Milan.
Galeazzo converted the castle at Porta Giovia into a formidable residence to himself and his bride. Painters were ordered to complete the work by Christmas of 1469 and the men labored day and night until the walls were covered by live frescoes. (Kaplan) Galeazzo lavished large sums of money on Pavia, of which he was very fond of. "More specifically, between 1468 and 1471 Galeazzo Maria Sforza commissioned Bonifacio Bembo to paint "the most illustrious lady [Bona of Savoy] and the most illustrious lady Isabeta (sister of Galeazzo) playing with her maids [...] at triumphi, and with them Virgilio, don Biaso and Zohane Antonio the buffoon", among other frescoes to decorate the castle at Pavia (Bandera "I tarocchi: il caso e la fortuna" (Milan, 1999) p. 17);compare Kaplan II, p. 121 for a slightly different rendering; in the absence of the full text, I am not sure whether Bandera's ommitted section referred to ball playing and other games). The fresco may have resembled that of the Palazzo Borromeo, done roughly 25 years earlier. (Note Ross Caldwell to frescoes in Pavia):
"Bonifacio Bembo returned to Pavia in 1468 this time to work on an enormous project. The huge ceilings in the rooms of Pavia castle were to be decorated with scenes of daily life, hunting and games, featuring personages of the court, including the ducal family ... Bonifacio returned with an estimated costs of 7880 ducats as the expense of the project. Specific directions still exist for the decoration of the upper rooms. One room was to containportraits of the line of the dukes of Milan, the Visconti and the Sforza, and other rooms were to have hilly landscapes populated with deer and other creatures. A small room "where the ladies eat" was to show " the duchess playing ball, and her maids playing triumphi in the garden". Unfortunately, most of of the work was destroyed by the artillery in 1527 ..." (battle of Pavia). (Kaplan II, p. 121).
The deciding point in this information is, that the "card playing scene" is located in the room "where the ladies eat". It clearly expresses, that women prefer card playing ... not men.
1469
- Spring: Birth of a son The birth of Galeazzo's oldest legal son Giangaleazzo (and heir of the dukedom Milan) is celebrated. One of the guests is Lorenzo de Medici, still not the ruler of Florence (Pietro is still living, but dies in the course of the year). It might be, that at this opportunity a secret conjuration against Borso in Ferrara is prepared.
May, Burgund, Galeazzo Maria needs hunting birds.
A Milan delegation of 10 ambassadors appeared at the court of the duke (of Burgund) and asked for a political alliance. The alliance is reached much later in January 1475 between Milan, Burgund and Savoy in context of the Swiss wars. But, in spite of help by Savoy and Milanese troops, Charles the bold lost an important battle in March 1476, and Galeazzo tried to change politics and to gamble with the French king, whom he wished to attack Charles. But Louis was prudent enough to keep himself out of the wars. Charles lost a 2nd battle in June 1476 and Galeazzo made a peace treaty with Louis. Charles lost a 3rd battle in January 1477 and his life, but Galeazzo was already dead by assassination. Within 2 weeks during the change of the year 1476/77 Europe had lost two young regents, who had promised to become kings in their regions. The long and partly rather diplomatic traffic between Milan and Burgund in Galeazzos time is well documented. Often enough already before 1475 soldiers are traded.
A second, less dangerous desire of Galeazzo in May 1469 were some hunting birds, Belgia is famous for the quality and for the export of such articles. (The falconer in the "Wedding deck" of Galeazzo and Bona has a natural background in the hunting interests of Galeazzo).
June/August: A political assault on the reignment of Borso d'Este by the Pio-brothers, initiated by Piero de Medici, Galeazzo Maria and the King of Naples. Colleoni, known as special foe of Galeazzo, gets more security against a secret assault of Galeazzo Maria.
- 1471
Visit in Florence ".... but the life of Galeazzo Maria, husband of Bona of Savoy, and uncle by marriage to Charles VIII. of France, forms an integral part of that history of the Milanese despots which we have hitherto been tracing. In him the passions of Gian Maria Visconti were repeated with the addition of extravagant vanity. We may notice in particular his parade-expedition in 1471 to Florence, when he flaunted the wealth extorted from his Milanese subjects before the soberminded citizens of a still free city. Fifty palfreys for the Duchess, fifty chargers for the Duke, trapped in cloth of gold; a hundred men-at-arms and five hundred foot soldiers for a body-guard; five hundred couples of hounds and a multitude of hawks; preceded him. His suite of courtiers numbered two thousand on horseback: 200,000 golden florins were expended on this pomp. Machiavelli (1st. Fior. lib. 7) marks this visit of the Duke of Milan as a turning-point from austere simplicity to luxury and license in the manners of the Florentines, whom Lorenzo de' Medici was already bending to his yoke." (Symonds)
Homosexuality (?): "On one occasion, at least, Saggi (long time Mantuan ambassador in Milan) seems to have failed this test. In 1471, the Duke expelled him from court, convinced that the ambassador was indiscrete and loquacious in sharing secret state information with others. The Duke claimed that Saggi xwrote more than any man in the worldx and suggested that the Marquis Ludovico send an envoy who would be less outwardly eager and less willing to share state secrets. (The Duke also apparently resented reports that Saggi was joking about the Duke being involved in homosexual activity with the son of the Florentine ambassador.) This incident was a moment of dishonor and dislocation for the ambassador, as he had moved his whole family to Milan and had established many friends there. As it turned out, he returned to Milan within a few months, and was careful not to cross the voluble Duke again." (source).
Homosexuality is in this time very common and often enough an "open mystery". In May 1476 Galeazzo gives an edict against it called "fuoco, and it might be, that it
“By 1471, his passion was tennis, and he gambled on it throughout the week. On New Year’s Eve that year, the duke commanded that everyone present join him in gambling. His interest in this pastimes must have puzzled many persons invited to the Christmas court. Most participants in that New Year’s Eve party were unable to ante up the 100-ducat stake Galeazzo required. Even when he offered to give them the money, the majority declined to join him.” (Lubkin)
- 1473
1473
Visit of Pietro Riario - plan to become King of Lombardy Of all the 'nipoti,' Cardinal Pietro Riario enjoyed at first the chief and almost exclusive favour of (Pope) Sixtus. He soon drew upon him the eyes of all Italy, partly by the fabulous luxury of his life, partly through the reports which were current of his irreligion and his political plans. He bargained with Duke Galeazzo Maria of Milan (1473), that the latter should become King of Lombardy, and then aid him with money and troops to return to Rome and ascend the papal throne; Sixtus, it appears, would have voluntarily yielded to him. This plan, which, by making the Papacy hereditary, would have ended in the secularization of the papal State, failed through the sudden death of Pietro.(Burckhardt)
Jews ... Galeazzo commanded all gypsies ("cinghali, sive nominati `de Egypto") to leave his dominion within three to four days and all Jews to wear a yellow circle on their clothes.31 The duchy of Milan hosted a Jewish population that was particularly active ... (Note to this: For gypsies, see Galeazzo to commissari, 4 June 1476 (ASMi, Rm, no. 123, fos. 217r-v). For Jews, see proclamation of 30 Aug. 1473, Milan [draft] (ASMi, AS, c. 914).
Galeazzo Maria generally was friendly to Jews in comparition to other rulers. The politic of Galeazzo in the year 1473 refers to anti-jewish activities from the side of Pope Sixtus and to a similar occurrence in Florence, when jews were accused to have caused peste and were expelled from the town in 1472, but allowed to come back in 1473 cause of protests in the population. The follow-up of Sixtus' anti-jewish politic is observable in many other Italian cities in this year.
1473
Visit of Matthias Corvinus, king of Hungary: The king, himself a book collector of some dimension, is impressed by the Visconti library.
- 1475 Alliance with Burgund and Burgundian wars
January 1475: Alliance The mortal terror of the Duke Galeazzo Maria of Milan during the Burgundian war, in which he was apparently the ally of Charles as well as of Louis, and consequently had reason to dread an attack from both, is strikingly shown in his correspondence. (Burckhardt)
After the duke had deprived the Swiss of any hope they had of coming to terms with him, they returned to warn their people and to prepare to defend themselves. The duke led his army into the district of Vaud in Savoy which the Swiss had captured from my lord of Romont, as it has been stated, and he took three or four places belonging to my lord of Châteauguion, which the Swiss held but were defending badly. From there he went to lay siege to a place called Granson which also belonged to the lord of Châteauguion. The Swiss garrison there consisted of seven or eight hundred carefully chosen men because the town was close to their lands and they very much wanted to defend it. The duke had a large army because soldiers from Lombardy and subjects of the house of Savoy were joining him constantly, and he preferred foreigners to his own subjects because he could hire good mercenaries in large numbers. But the Constable's death encouraged his distrust of his own subjects and aroused other doubts in his mind about them. His artillery was very powerful and good. The duke surrounded himself with great pomp in his army in order to impress the ambassadors who came from Italy and Germany. He had with him all his best jewels and much of his plate, as well as a large amount of other furnishings. He had conceived equally extravagant plans concerning the duchy of Milan, where he expected to find some partisans.
After the duke had besieged Granson and bombarded it for some days the garrison surrendered unconditionally and he had them all killed. The Swiss had all assembled, although there were not a large number, as I was later told by several of them, because they cannot raise from their lands the numbers one often imagines; this was even more the case then than at present because since then the majority have foresaken labouring to become soldiers. But few of their allies had joined them because they had been constrained to hurry to the defense of Granson and whilst they were still mounting the campaign they learned of the deaths of their comrades.
The duke of Burgundy, against the advice of those whom he consulted, decided to advance and confront them at the foot of the mountains where they still were. This was very much to his disadvantage, since the army was already in a favourable position to await their attack, being protected by his artillery on one side and having a lake on the other; it seemed unlikely that they would have been able to do him any harm.
He had sent a hundred archers to defend a certain pass facing this mountain. They met the Swiss. So he himself advanced whilst the major part of his army was still in the plain. The advance guard decided to return and join up with the rest. The common soldiers, who were all behind them, though that the vanguard was taking to flight and they themselves began to flee. Bit by bit the whole army began to retreat towards the field. Some performed their duties very well, but, to cut a long story short, when they reached their camp they made no attempt to defend themselves but took to flight. So the Germans captured his camp, his guns and all the very numerous tents and pavilions belonging to the duke and his men, as well as an enormous amount of other goods because they saved nothing but their own lives. All the duke's great jewels were lost but only seven men-at-arms were killed on this occasion. All the rest, including the duke, fled. It is better to say about him that he lost honour and riches that day than it is to say this about King John of France, who was captured fighting valiantly at the battle of Poitiers.
This was the first calamity and misfortune ever to befall the duke. From all his other enterprises he had drawn either honour or profit. What a blow he received that day for being stubborn and ignoring advice! What a blow his family fortunes suffered that day and what a state they still are in at present and probably will be for a long time come! So many people who only the day before had negotiated with him and pretended to be his friends now declared themselves his enemies! And what was the cause of this war? A cartload of sheepskins which my lord of Romont had taken from a Swiss passing through his lands! (Commynes)
... To return to the battle: the King was very soon informed of what had happened because he had numerous spies and messengers in that district, most of whom I had dispatched, and he was extremely happy with the news and was only displeased by the small number of men who had been killed. (Commynes)
As soon as Duke Galeazzo of Milan, who was still alive then learned about this battle he was very pleased even though he was the duke's ally, because he had made the alliance out of fear as he could see the duke of Burgundy's great popularity in Italy. The duke of Milan very hurriedly sent to the King a very insignificant-looking burgess of Milan and through an intermediary he was directed to me, bringing the duke's letters. I told the King of his arrival and he ordered me to listen to his message because he was not pleased with the duke for having abandoned the alliance with him and joining the duke of Burgundy, especially considering that his wife was the Queen's sister. The ambassador's mission was to state that his master, the duke of Milan, had been informed that the King and the duke of Burgundy were about to meet each other to make a great peace treaty and alliance. This would have been most displeasing to the duke, his master, and he gave reasons, which were not very convincing, why the King ought not to do this. But at the end of his speech he said that if the King would agree not to make a peace or truce with the duke of Burgundy, the duke of Milan would give the King a hundred thousand ducats in ready money.
After the King had heard the gist of the ambassador's message, he sent for him. I was the only other person present and the King told him briefly, 'My lord of Argenton here has reported certain things to me. Tell your master I don't want any of his money, that once a year I raise three times more money than he does and that I make peace or war as it pleases me. But if he's sorry about abandoning an alliance with me for one with the duke of Burgundy, I'm happy to return to our former relationship.' The ambassador thanked the King very humbly and decided that the King was not avaricious. He strongly urged the King to proclaim the alliances unaltered and said he had authority to promise that his master would adhere to them. The King agreed to this. After dinner they were published and immediately a messenger was dispatched to Milan, where they were proclaimed with great solemnity. So here already was one of the changes brought about by adversity, with one powerful man changing his alliance when only three weeks previously he had sent a great and solemn embassy to the duke of Burgundy for a similar purpose. (Commynes)
- Murder in Milan
"Cola Montano, a learned and ambitious man, taught the Latin language to the youth of the principal families in Milan. Either out of hatred to the character and manners of the duke, or from some other cause, he constantly deprecated the condition of those who live under a bad prince; calling those glorious and happy who had the good fortune to be born and live in a republic. He endeavored to show that the most celebrated men had been produced in republics, and not reared under princes; that the former cherish virtue, while the latter destroy it; the one deriving advantage from virtuous men, while the latter naturally fear them. The youths with whom he was most intimate were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Ogliato. He frequently discussed with them the faults of their prince, and the wretched condition of those who were subject to him; and by constantly inculcating his principles, acquired such an ascendancy over their minds as to induce them to bind themselves by oath to effect the duke's destruction, as soon as they became old enough to attempt it. Their minds being fully occupied with this design, which grew with their years, the duke's conduct and their own private injuries served to hasten its execution. Galeazzo was licentious and cruel, of both which vices he had given such repeated proofs, that he became odious to all. Not content with corrupting the wives of the nobility, he also took pleasure in making it notorious; nor was he satisfied with murdering individuals unless he effected their deaths by some unusual cruelty. He was suspected of having destroyed his own mother; for, not considering himself prince while she was present, he conducted himself in such a manner as induced her to withdraw from his court, and, travelling toward Cremona, which she obtained as part of her marriage portion, she was seized with a sudden illness, and died upon the road; which made many think her son had caused her death. The duke had dishonored both Carlo and Girolamo in respect to their wives or other female relatives, and had refused to concede to Giovanandrea possession of the monastery of Miramondo, of which he had obtained a grant from the pope for a near relative. These private injuries increased the young men's desire for vengeance, and the deliverance of their country from so many evils; trusting that whenever they should succeed in destroying the duke, many of the nobility and all the people would rise in their defense. Being resolved upon their undertaking, they were often together, which, on account of their long intimacy, did not excite any suspicion. They frequently discussed the subject; and in order to familiarize their minds with the deed itself, they practiced striking each other in the breast and in the side with the sheathed daggers intended to be used for the purpose. On considering the most suitable time and place, the castle seemed insecure; during the chase, uncertain and dangerous; while going about the city for his own amusement, difficult if not impracticable; and, at a banquet, of doubtful result. They, therefore, determined to kill him upon the occasion of some procession or public festivity when there would be no doubt of his presence, and where they might, under various pretexts, assemble their friends. It was also resolved that if one of their number were prevented from attending, on any account whatever, the rest should put him to death in the midst of their armed enemies.
It was now the close of the year 1476, near Christmas, and as it was customary for the duke to go upon St. Stephen's day, in great solemnity, to the church of that martyr, they considered this the most suitable opportunity for the execution of their design. Upon the morning of that day they ordered some of their most trusty friends and servants to arm, telling them they wished to go to the assistance of Giovanandrea, who, contrary to the wish of some of his neighbors, intended to turn a watercourse into his estate; but that before they went they wished to take leave of the prince. They also assembled, under various pretenses, other friends and relatives, trusting that when the deed was accomplished, everyone would join them in the completion of their enterprise. It was their intention, after the duke's death, to collect their followers together and proceed to those parts of the city where they imagined the plebeians would be most disposed to take arms against the duchess and the principal ministers of state, and they thought the people, on account of the famine which then prevailed, would easily be induced to follow them; for it was their design to give up the houses of Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all leading men in the government, to be plundered, and by this means gain over the populace and restore liberty to the community. With these ideas, and with minds resolved upon their execution, Giovanandrea, together with the rest, were early at the church, and heard mass together; after which, Giovanandrea, turning to a statue of St. Ambrose, said, "O patron of our city! thou knowest our intention, and the end we would attain, by so many dangers; favor our enterprise, and prove, by protecting the oppressed, that tyranny is offensive to thee." To the duke, on the other hand, when intending to go to the church, many omens occurred of his approaching death; for in the morning, having put on a cuirass, as was his frequent custom, he immediately took it off again, either because it inconvenienced him, or that he did not like its appearance. He then wished to hear mass in the castle, and found that the priest who officiated in the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's, and had taken with him the sacred utensils. On this he desired the service to be performed by the bishop of Como, who acquainted him with preventing circumstances. Thus, almost compelled, he determined to go to the church; but before his departure, caused his sons, Giovan Galeazzo and Ermes, to be brought to him, whom he embraced and kissed several times, seeming reluctant to part with them. He then left the castle, and, with the ambassadors of Ferrara and Mantua on either hand, proceeded to St. Stephen's. The conspirators, to avoid exciting suspicion, and to escape the cold, which was very severe, had withdrawn to an apartment of the archpriest, who was a friend of theirs, but hearing the duke's approach, they came into the church, Giovanandrea and Girolamo placing themselves upon the right hand of the entrance, and Carlo on the left. Those who led the procession had already entered, and were followed by the duke, surrounded by such a multitude as is usual on similar occasions. The first attack was made by Lampognano and Girolamo, who, pretending to clear the way for the prince, came close to him, and grasping their daggers, which, being short and sharp, were concealed in the sleeves of their vests, struck at him. Lampognano gave him two wounds, one in the belly, the other in the throat. Girolamo struck him in the throat and breast. Carlo Visconti, being nearer the door, and the duke having passed, could not wound him in front: but with two strokes, transpierced his shoulder and spine. These six wounds were inflicted so instantaneously, that the duke had fallen before anyone was aware of what had happened, and he expired, having only once ejaculated the name of the Virgin, as if imploring her assistance. A great tumult immediately ensued, several swords were drawn, and as often happens in sudden emergencies, some fled from the church, and others ran toward the scene of tumult, both without any definite motive or knowledge of what had occurred. Those, however, who were nearest the duke and had seen him slain, recognizing the murderers, pursued them. Giovanandrea, endeavoring to make his way out of the church, proceeded among the women, who being numerous, and according to their custom, seated upon the ground, was prevented in his progress by their apparel, and being overtaken, he was killed by a Moor, one of the duke's footmen. Carlo was slain by those immediately around him. Girolamo Olgiato passed through the crowd, and got out of the church; but seeing his companions dead, and not knowing where else to go, he proceeded home, where his father and brothers refused to receive him; his mother only, having compassion on her son recommended him to a priest, an old friend of the family, who, disguising him in his own apparel, led him to his house. Here he remained two days, not without hope that some disturbance might arise in Milan which would contribute to his safety. This not occurring, and apprehensive that his hiding place would be discovered, he endeavored to escape in disguise, but being observed, he was given over to justice, and disclosed all the particulars of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty- three years of age, and exhibited no less composure at his death than resolution in his previous conduct, for being stripped of his apparel, and in the hands of the executioner, who stood by with the sword unsheathed, ready to deprive him of life, he repeated the following words, in the Latin tongue, in which he was well versed: "Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti."
The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was conducted with secrecy and executed with resolution; and they failed for want of the support of those whom they expected would rise in their defense. Let princes therefore learn to live, so as to render themselves beloved and respected by their subjects, that none may have hope of safety after having destroyed them; and let others see how vain is the expectation which induces them to trust so much to the multitude, as to believe, that even when discontented, they will either embrace or ward off their dangers. This event spread consternation all over Italy; but those which shortly afterward occurred in Florence caused much more alarm, and terminated a peace of twelve years' continuance, as will be shown in the following book; which, having commenced with blood and horror, will have a melancholy and tearful conclusion." (Macciavelli)
- "It is enough to mention here in passing the patriotic attempt of Girolamo Gentile against Galeazzo Sforza at Genoa in 1476, and the more selfish plot of Nicolo d' Este, in the same year, against his uncle Ercole, who held the Marquisate of Ferrara to the prejudice of his own claim. The latter tragedy was rendered memorable by the vengeance taken by Ercole. He beheaded Nicolo and his cousin Azzo together with twenty-five of his comrades, effectually preventing by this bloodshed any future attempt to set aside his title. Falling as these four conspiracies do within the space of two years, and displaying varied features of antique heroism, simple patriotism, dynastic dissension, and ecclesiastical perfidy, they present examples of the different forms and causes of political tragedies with a noteworthy and significant conciseness.[2]
[2] It is worthy of notice that very many tyrannicides took place in Church--for example, the murders of Francesco Vico dei Prefetti, of the Varani, the Chiavelli, Giuliano de' Medici, and Galeazzo Maria Sforza. The choice of public service, as the best occasion for the commission of these crimes, points to the guarded watchfulness maintained by tyrants in their palaces and on the streets. Banquets and festivities offered another kind of opportunity; and it was on such occasions that domestic tragedies, like Oliverotto's murder of his uncle and Grifonetto Baglioni's treason, were accomplished. (Symonds)
I know the "cruel stories around Galeazzo" ... we've always problems to decide, what is true and what's not true. The youth of 1476 had a reason to be embarrassed about nobility ... the case of the death of the Ferrarese heir in favour of the "older generation" in campionship with many other young men which died then for instance in September 1476. The general desire for "freedom and change" of the old rules of nobiulty. The new ideas, which were just recently receivable by invention of printing press. Independently if Galeazzo was that bad as he's described or just a "usual renaissance prince" - they had a reason to paint him bad, and the point, that he was accused by these 3 to be tyrant and killed, gave perhaps reason to others to believe "this tyranny of Galeazzo" just by sympathy for the idea "kill the tyrann". Actually the spontaneous reaction in Milan seems to have been to capture the murders ... not to help them. Ludovico Sforza in his own strange ways was tried to be kiled in 1484 by Bona of Savoyen - so it is reported. Latest till then Lodovico had an interest to kill the picture of the brother - especially as he was eager to replace his nephew on the throne by himself. In Florence the attack against the Medici brothers 1478 was done by the involvement of Pope Sixtus and his protege Girolamo, husband of Catherina Sforza, daughter of Galeazzo. Since then there was also no Florentian interest to keep the picture of a good Galeazzo alife. Which existed definitely in Florence, at least till 1471 and little later. French interest to keep a good picture of Galeazzo were also not given ... although Louis was nearly a relative ... there were French claims on Milan and a vivid Sforza family was not the desired state. "Bad press" can cause, that the reality behind it is not detectable. Machiavelli is 50 years after it, he can give only words of others and follows anyway his Florentian viewing points. - Spring: Birth of a son The birth of Galeazzo's oldest legal son Giangaleazzo (and heir of the dukedom Milan) is celebrated. One of the guests is Lorenzo de Medici, still not the ruler of Florence (Pietro is still living, but dies in the course of the year). It might be, that at this opportunity a secret conjuration against Borso in Ferrara is prepared.
Galeazzo Maria in spring 1471
during a visit in Florence